Kev3188
Veteran
Perhaps the racial underpinnings in RTW laws were really a reflection of the makeup of trade unions?...
http://www.redstate....inues-unabated/
Gotta love Peter List... I wonder why he never cops to how much he makes from
Perhaps the racial underpinnings in RTW laws were really a reflection of the makeup of trade unions?...
http://www.redstate....inues-unabated/
which raises the issue of how weakening of union representation among public workers will affect African-Americans.I would too, since for years those sorts of jobs served as one of the main paths to the middle class for many African- American families.
I'm still unclear on Kev's point too.
Keep in mind that in the post WWII era, there was a much stronger tie between organized labor and civil rights. In fact, in many places in the south, the union hall or shop was one of the few desegregated places. The CIO launched what was called "Operation Dixie" with the aim of not only organizing unions in the south, but also ending Jim Crow laws. Many in the south saw the positive social change & upswing in civil rights as a threat, and in fairly short order, southern segregationists moved to counter that by creating RTW laws using the Taft-Hartley Act; the goal being to weaken the link between labor and the civil rights movement, as well as suppressing socio-economic progress for both minorities and the poor in the south. Looking at the south today, and the plight of both labor and the poor/minorities, I'd say it's fair to say that RTW laws did well to achieve that aim.
A great quote by MLK:
“In our glorious fight for civil rights, we must guard against being fooled by false slogans, such as ‘right to work.’ It is a law to rob us of our civil rights and job rights.
Its purpose is to destroy labor unions and the freedom of collective bargaining by which unions have improved wages and working conditions of everyone…Wherever these laws have been passed, wages are lower, job opportunities are fewer and there are no civil rights. We do not intend to let them do this to us. We demand this fraud be stopped. Our weapon is our vote.”
Keep in mind that in the post WWII era, there was a much stronger tie between organized labor and civil rights. In fact, in many places in the south, the union hall or shop was one of the few desegregated places. The CIO launched what was called "Operation Dixie" with the aim of not only organizing unions in the south, but also ending Jim Crow laws. Many in the south saw the positive social change & upswing in civil rights as a threat, and in fairly short order, southern segregationists moved to counter that by creating RTW laws using the Taft-Hartley Act; the goal being to weaken the link between labor and the civil rights movement, as well as suppressing socio-economic progress for both minorities and the poor in the south. Looking at the south today, and the plight of both labor and the poor/minorities, I'd say it's fair to say that RTW laws did well to achieve that aim.
A great quote by MLK:
“In our glorious fight for civil rights, we must guard against being fooled by false slogans, such as ‘right to work.’ It is a law to rob us of our civil rights and job rights.
Its purpose is to destroy labor unions and the freedom of collective bargaining by which unions have improved wages and working conditions of everyone…Wherever these laws have been passed, wages are lower, job opportunities are fewer and there are no civil rights. We do not intend to let them do this to us. We demand this fraud be stopped. Our weapon is our vote.”
Throughout its lengthy history, few issues have caused the American labor movement more agony than immigration. It is ironic this should be the case as most adult immigrants directly enter the labor force. So eventually do most of their family members. But precisely because immigration affects the scale, geographical distribution, and skill composition of the labor force, it affects national, regional, and local labor market conditions. Hence, organized labor can never ignore immigration trends. Immigration has in the past and continues to affect the developmental course of American trade unionism. Labor's responses, in turn, have significantly influenced the actual public policies that have shaped the size and character of immigrant entries.
But in the late 1980s, the leadership of organized labor began to waffle on the issue. By the 1990s, the labor movement was hesitant to support comprehensive reform despite the fact that the nation was in the midst of the largest wave of immigration it had ever experienced and the percentage of the labor force belonging to unions was declining rapidly. In February 2000, the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor � Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) announced that it was changing its historic position.[sup]2[/sup] It would now support expanded immigration, lenient enforcement of immigration laws, and the legislative agenda of immigrants. In the months that followed, AFL-CIO officials declared that the organization was now "championing immigrant rights as a strategic move to make immigrants more enthusiastic about joining unions."[sup]3[/sup] Thus, the one societal body that had faithfully and consistently supported reasonable and enforceable immigration policies to protect the nation's working people is poised to formally reverse its historic posture at its biannual convention in December 2001. Should this happen, the implications for the future of organized labor and for American workers are far-reaching. Hitherto, the labor movement has been the nation's most effective advocate for the economic advancement of all workers � union members or not. If this change occurs, working people � especially those on the lower rungs of the economic ladder � will have lost the support of the most effective champion they ever had.
In the year 2000 the AFL-CIO announced a historic change in its position on immigration. Reversing a decades-old stance by labor, the federation declared that it would no longer press to reduce high immigration levels or call for rigorous enforcement of immigration laws. Instead, it now supports the repeal of sanctions imposed against employers who hire illegal immigrants as well as a general amnesty for most such workers. In this timely book, Vernon M. Briggs, Jr., challenges labor's recent about-face, charting the disastrous effects that immigration has had on union membership over the course of U.S. history.
Briggs explores the close relationship between immigration and employment trends beginning in the 1780s. Combining the history of labor and of immigration in a new and innovative way, he establishes that over time unionism has thrived when the numbers of newcomers have decreased, and faltered when those figures have risen.
Briggs argues convincingly that the labor movement cannot be revived unless the following steps are taken: immigration levels are reduced, admission categories changed, labor law reformed, and the enforcement of labor protection standards at the worksite enhanced. The survival of American unionism, he asserts, does not rest with the movement's becoming a partner of the pro-immigration lobby. For to do so, organized labor would have to abandon its legacy as the champion of the American worker.
Looking at the south today, and the plight of both labor and the poor/minorities, I'd say it's fair to say that RTW laws did well to achieve that aim.
Of course you have selected your data...well...selectively. Of course you know this.You do realize that there is no statistical correlation between the percent of union membership and average household income, don't you?
Alabama has one of the highest union representation ratios in the south and on par w/ many midwest states and yet their household income is one of the lowest.
Since when is Indiana, Idaho, or Iowa considered part of the South?
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And there are bills in Michigan and New Hampshire to add RTW legislation.
Josh
You do realize that there is no statistical correlation between the percent of union membership and average household income, don't you?
Alabama has one of the highest union representation ratios in the south and on par w/ many midwest states and yet their household income is one of the lowest.
Note also that the cost of living in the south is less than in the midwest and NE and in most states, the lower cost of living more than offsets lower wage rates. Tax rates in the South are also lower.
It is not accurate to say that unions have resulted in a higher current standard of living in more heavily unionized state and it is certainly not accurate to say that lower union representation rates have resulted in lower real standards of living.
Note also that the largest drops in income have been in the most heavily unionized states in the midwest, NE, and CA.
Of course you have selected your data...well...selectively. Of course you know this.
Alabama is one of the most impoverished states. Percentage of union membership cannot overcome the poverty ratio and to use union representation as a measure of household income is misleading at best.
That is the case in several southern states.
Since when is Indiana, Idaho, or Iowa considered part of the South?
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And there are bills in Michigan and New Hampshire to add RTW legislation.
Josh